Palos Verdes Estates: A Modern Exclusion of the Defiled?
(This weeks adventure fulfills requirements:
2. A car trip
3. A walking trip
4. A visit to a location in the LA metro region that is at least 15 miles from UCLA)
For this week’s exploration of Los Angeles, I returned to an
area very close to but decisively different from Lomita. Only a few miles west of Lomita, Palos Verdes
Estates, my destination this week, is definitely a different world. A neighborhood knows for its wealth and status,
I wanted to see how it relates to nearby Lomita and if any of Friedrich Engels’s
or David Sibley’s observations on excluding the “defiled” urban city people or
hiding them from the eyes of the privileged apply.
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The drive along Palos Verdes Dr into Palos Verdes Estates from Lomita |
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Approaching Palos Verdes Estates.
Some of the thousand words contained in this picture: What a beautiful place!!! Not pedistrian friendly. 'MURICA! |
Although many of the houses in Palos Verdes Estates rest back on large well-kept lawns, I was surprised by how close to one another all of the houses are. In “The Emergence of Postsuburia: An Introduction”, Rob Kling, Spencer Olin, and Mark Poster comment that many would-be Los Angeles residents migrated to Orange County because of its temperate climate and open space outside of the urban city. The houses are so near to one another probably because of the limited space so close to the ocean. Even though the proximity of surrounding homes do to some extent limit privacy, each house is still on a sizable plot. More importantly, the neighbors are most likely of similar economic status if not ethnic background as well, so exclusion in Sibley’s terms does not really apply to the proximity of other houses within Palos Verdes Estates.
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Beautiful houses in a beautiful place...and right next to the neighbors' beautiful houses! |
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A commuter shuttle to Downtown LA serves Palos Verdes Estates on weekdays |
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Metro Trip Planner finds no direct routes between DTLA and Palos Verdes Estates |
In their discussion of “Postsuburbia”, Kling, Olin, and
Poster emphasize that such areas are “designed to accommodate the automobile
driver.” Stores and business are located
within a few miles of the houses but, as Kling, Olin, and Poster observe, “are
too far to be a convenient walk for most residents” (p. 7). The authors also note that postsuburban areas
do have a substantial bus system although the private automobile is much more
used. Palos Verdes is not necessarily an
example of a postsuburban development, but some aspects of “postsuburbia”,
including this dependence on personal cars and denial of public transportation
ring true in Palos Verdes Estates. There
are some bus stops around Palos Verdes Estates but there service seems to be
very limited. I used Google Maps’
directions by public transportation function and the Metro Trip Planner to see
that Palos Verdes Estates is not very accessible by public transportation. There is a commuter express that regularly
runs from Downtown LA to Palos Verdes, but only on weekdays. The Metro Trip Planner could not find a
direct route from DTLA to PV with the site’s restrictions on travel time and
walking distance for the trip. Google
Maps did have some routes from Downtown to Palos Verdes Estates, but they
included multiple line transfers and walking between bus stops. This finding did not surprise me because I
did not see any hint of public transportation while I was there and because the
residents of Palos Verdes Estates with their abundance of cars do not seem like
the type to use public transportation.
Even if the commuter shuttle is used by PV Estates Residents, it is
almost like a modern version of the transportation routes Friedrich Engels
describes in his critique of the industrial city of Manchester. Engels explains how what he refers to as the
middle and upper bourgeoisie living in “remoter villas with gardens […] or on
the breezy heights […] in free, wholesome country air, in fine, comfortable
homes” have access to the industrial center by regular omnibuses which pass
through the city on thoroughfares that disguise the squalor and slums of
working peoples’ homes (Engles 12). The
Palos Verdes Estates houses with their lawns and ocean air seem similar to
Engels’s suburbs of Manchester. Wall
along the freeway, and the freeway itself as opposed to surface streets,
separate any commuters from poverty or unclean “others” on the way
downtown. More so, the commuter bus
itself, which specifically serves Palos Verdes, acts as a way to separate the
upper-class commuters from the often less-privileged and definitely more
diverse crowd on regular city public transportation.

This relative inaccessibility of Palos Verdes Estates without a car could be a
manifestation of excluding non-residents in particular and lower socioeconomic
classes in general. David Sibley’s
editor remarks how Sibley emphasizes how “people’s
feelings about others are translated into spatial
practices which map exclusionary
sentiments on to real spaces” (p. 380).
Sibley explains how the ordered design of a European Baroque city used
internal boundaries to exclude the general population from the sacred palace in
the city center, in this way he states, “geometry expresses power” (p.
383). Although Palos Verdes Estates is obviously
not a central location or religious or political palace, its residents do
control a desirable and valuable feature: the proximity to the ocean and access
to its views. “Nature […] can provide
images of purity, often in contrast to the defiled city” (Sibley, p. 386). Palos Verdes Estates’ breathtaking vistas of
the Pacific do give its residents something to look at besides the urban sprawl
visible to the north. The limited access
to the neighborhood and the views also suggest that not only do the inhabitants
of Palos Verdes Estates get to look at the pure ocean instead of the defiled
city, but also they alone have access to the views. Their status and wealth grants them access to
their location and their location brings them special closeness to aesthetic
and natural beauty. Whether it is a
conscious decision or not, by choosing to live in the grand houses and stunning
vistas the residents of Palos Verdes Estates without a doubt separate
themselves from and exclude people of lower social and economic classes.
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The urban sprawl is visible from some points in Palos Verdes Estates |
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My wonderful brother who drives me all over Los Angeles,
including the sidewalk-less streets of Palos Verdes :) |
Additionally, the residential streets of Palos Verdes Estates are
wide but do not have sidewalks. In a way this makes sense because there
is really nowhere close to go besides to a neighbor’s house. I think the
lack of sidewalks really indicates that there is no walking culture in the
neighborhood. Residents can walk along the bluff overlooking the ocean,
but this implies that in this place walking is an activity for recreation or
exercise, not a form of transportation. Indeed, many homes had multiple
luxury cars parked in front of the house. Almost all of the plots have
garages along the sides of the houses, but perhaps the cars parked in
front are on display as an indicator of wealth and taste. One house had
two shiny Mercedes sedans and BMW SUV. It also could just be more
convenient to park your car right outside the front door, which further
suggests a culture of constantly driving to and from places. Either way,
the residents of Palos Verdes Estates are clearly not concerned about theft or
damage to their cars while in their neighborhood. This suggests that
residents are not surrounded or accessible by anyone who would steal their
cars; they are effectively apart from any culture of crime or vandalism, most
usually seen in areas of poverty.
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Campaign signs in front of a house Palos Verdes Estates.
Also, notice the proximity of the neighboring house. |
As in many non-urban residential areas, Palos Verdes Estates
is free of signage and advertisements beyond its stylized street signs. Some lawns displayed campaign signs, but
these are chosen and put on view by the residents and are not permanent or
sponsored advertisements like billboards.
While I was on the bluff overlooking the cove a plane towing a banner
advertising Malibu Rum flew over the ocean, but again this advertisement was
temporary and could easily be missed or ignored. According to David Sibley, advertising is
counted among urban “pollutants” like social disorder, litter, and roadside
cafes and has historically been a feature of working-class areas and a concern
of middle and upper-class individuals in more removed, less urban areas (p.
384). The absence of permanent
advertising in Palos Verdes Estates holds true to this observation; the
residents have taken themselves away from and barred entry of advertisements in
the “pure” “sanctity” of their neighborhood.
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A rare advertisement sneaks into Palos Verdes Estates |
The manicured lawns, luxury cars, beautiful vistas, and
custom-built houses of Palos Verdes Estates do seem pure and perfect,
especially compared to more urban, high-density areas in Los Angeles. Additionally, with views of the ocean and
private cars and local shuttles to access other areas of the city, Palos Verdes
residents do not have to come into direct contact with undesirable places or
people. It’s not clear, however, if the
residents of Palos Verdes Estates are purposefully trying to exclude lower
classes of less “perfect” people, but I don’t think that this matters. Whether it is a conscious decision or an
implied consequence of living on limited expensive real estate, the inhabitants
of PV are effectively removing themselves and making themselves inaccessible to
what Sibley refers to as the constant “threatening difference” and “imperfect
people” of modern urban cities.
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"Extreme exclusion on the edge of the world" |
References:
Engels, Friedrich. "The Great Towns." The Blackwell City Reader. Ed. Gary Bridge and Sophie Watson. 2nd ed. Malden, Mass: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. 11-16. Print.
Kling, Rob, Spencer C. Olin, and Mark Poster. "The Emergence of Postsuburbia: An Introduction." Introduction. Postsuburban California: The Transformation of Orange County since World War II. Berkeley: University of California, 1991. 1-23. Web. <http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft0k40036b/>.
Sibley, David. "Mapping the Pure and the Defiled." Geographies of Exclusion: Society and Difference in the West. London: New York, 1995. 380-87. Web.
Although answers may seem more satisfying than questions, I appreciate that your blog provided me with more questions to ask…even if there is no immediate answer to find. I have never been to Palos Verdes Estates, but from your pictures, I can sense the extravagance; the views are unending and the proximity to the ocean borders on unfair. The residents must be without a care. As we discussed during lecture, the households in Los Angeles with higher incomes tend to be located in higher elevations or near the coast. By comparing the unspoiled view of the privileged Palos Verdes community to the not-so-breathtaking view of urban sprawl in the distance, you emphasize an interesting point; the poor or “underclass” do not have the same access to beauty and purity signified by the water; for many, the ocean is a place to be peaceful and to cleanse the mind or soul. Nature connotes purity, whereas the city is often perceived as a place of vice, crime, and defilement, expressed by Sibley in “Mapping the Pure and Defiled.” Therefore, you nicely illustrate a distinction similar also to that described by Engels in “The Great Towns” as he contrasts the filthy, dark slums with the “brilliant” shops up above—dark versus light, and dirty versus clean. The grime is not in the elite’s line of sight. Is this because of selfish greed as Engels would argue, or a natural result of humans’ tendency to see themselves as civilized, and others as “unclean” or uncivilized?
ReplyDeleteDoes achieving status in society reinforce an individual’s positive identity and cause boundaries between “us” and “them” to become more strictly enforced? You effectively relate Sibley’s object relations theory to the potentially exclusionary practices of the elite residents of Palos Verdes: “It’s not clear, however, if the residents of Palos Verdes Estates are purposefully trying to exclude lower classes of less ‘perfect’ people, but I don’t think that this matters.” I would agree that the intention may not be entirely a conscious one, but nevertheless signs of social inclusion and exclusion are arguably more visible in cities where people (at first) are concentrated and social boundaries for each individual must be slightly redrawn as one adjusts to the environment. Like you note, the separation of Palos Verdes’ inhabitants from other, less well-off communities may be an “implied consequence of living on a limited expensive real estate,” but even so, it a map-able representation of physical and social boundaries that reinforce the geographical division of different socio-economic groups.
It is impossible to know whether or not the residents of Palos Verdes feel threatened by poorer or “less-civilized individuals” without probing their conscious and subconscious mind. Still, your observations about the luxurious cars parked outside the enormous houses point out that “they are effectively apart from any culture of crime or vandalism, most usually seen in areas of poverty.” This again reminds me of the quote I included in my last post about Wilson’s underclass definition. Wilson characterizes the stereotypical beliefs of what underclass denotes in modern society, including that they are often people who are “engaged in street crime and forms of aberrant behavior.” The image I get after reading your blog reminds me of how I picture the Ziggurat of Ur, positioned above the entire city (with the best view of the entire city), signifying its prominence. Palos Verdes does not seem to be a main “center” by any means, as you mention, but it is a “valuable” region, hinting at the power of the higher social classes.
Thank you for your post, I found it quite insightful, weaving in the readings well with the information you gathered! I hope you find Lost Angeles…